Pana la urma am reusit sa ascult cursurile lui Umberto Eco de la Emory University. Trebuie instalat itunes, are vreo 90 de mb, apoi se pot copia fisierele audio care sunt free. Sunt speechuri pe decursul a trei zile. In a 3a zi, fiind doua – in total 4. Umberto Eco citeste si un fragment din Pendulul lui Foucault, episodul cu inmormantarea si Belbo cantand la trompeta. Fiecare fisier e undeva la 60 de mb, si dureaza aproximativ o ora. Am sa incerc sa le uploadez pe trilulilu mai inkolo dar trebuie sa le editez, ca limita la upload acolo e de 60 de mb, si astea sunt putin mai mari.

Trebuie sa le mai ascult odata ca sa extrag punctele importante, dar merita facut efortul de a le copia si asculta. Eco a fost prin august in fiji, si asta e unul din motivele pentru care pune si actiunea in august. Zice, ca aia e luna cand a observat cerul si natura, si aia e luna cand si Roberto trebuia sa se afle acolo. Am sa revin povestea asta, cu fisierele …a trebuit sa-si dea si barba jos ca sa poata face scufundari, ca altfel masca de scafandru nu era etansa. S-a dus barba de filozof o scufundare :)

De ce am inceput postul asta? In cel precedent am gresit in privinta timbrelor, nu sunt cu pasarele :). Am reverificat Misterioasa Flacara a Reginei Loana sa vad despre ce timbre e vorba. Redau fragmentele cu pricina in engleza:

A new flutter of tachycardia seized me at the sight of two stamps
from Fiji (how had I pronounced that name?). They were no prettier or uglier than the others. One showed a native, the other bore a map of the Fiji islands. Perhaps I had gone to great lengths to trade for them and so held them dearer than the others; perhaps I was struck by the map’s precision, like a chart of treasure islands; perhaps I had encountered the unheard-of names of those territories for the first time upon those little rectangles. I seem to recall Paola telling me that I had a fixation: I wanted to go to Fiji someday, and I would scour the travel agency brochures, and then in the end put the trip off because it involved going to the other side of the globe, and to go for less than a month made no sense.
I kept staring at those two stamps, and I began spontaneously to
sing a song I had listened to days before: “Up There at Capocabana.”
And along with the song came back the name Pipetto. What was it that tied the stamps to the song, and the song to the name, just the name, of Pipetto?
The mystery of Solara was that at every turn I would approach a
revelation, and then I would come to a stop on the edge of a cliff, the chasm invisible before me in the fog.


One Sunday, at two in the afternoon when there were just a few of us at the Oratorio, I told him about my stamps, and he said that once upon a time he had collected them, too, but when he came back from the war he lost interest and threw them all out. He had twenty or so left and would be happy to give them to me.
I went to his house and was amazed by my windfall: it included the two Fiji stamps I had gazed at with such longing in the pages of the Yvert and Tellier.
“So you have the Yvert and Tellier, too?” he asked, impressed.
“Yeah, but it’s an old one . . .”
“They’re the best.”
The Fiji Islands. That was why I had been so fascinated by those
two stamps back at Solara. After Gragnola’s gift, I took them home to put them on a new page of my album. It was a winter evening, Papà had come home the day before, but he had left again that afternoon, going back to the city until the next visit.

I was in the kitchen of the main wing, which because we had just
enough wood for the fireplace was the only heated room in the house.
The light was dim. Not because the blackout meant much in Solara (who would have ever bombed us?), but because the bulb was muted by a lampshade from which hung strings of beads, like necklaces one might offer the primitive Fijians as gifts.
I was sitting at the table tending my collection, Mamma was
tidying up, my sister was playing in the corner. The radio was on. We had just heard the end of the Milanese version of What’s Happening in the Rossi House, a propaganda program from the Republic of Salò that featured the members of a single family discussing politics and concluding, of course, that the Allies were our enemies, that the Partisans were bandits resisting the draft out of sloth, and that the Fascists in the north were defending Italy’s honor alongside their German comrades. But there was also, on alternate evenings, the Roman version, in which the Rossis were a different family, with the same name, living in a Rome now occupied by the Allies, realizing in
the end how much better things had been when things were worse, and envying their northern neighbors, who still lived free beneath Axis flags.
From the way my mother shook her head, you could tell that she did not believe it, but the program was lively enough. Either you listened to that or you turned the radio off.


I see myself still adoring the Fiji stamps when suddenly, between ten and eleven, the sky starts buzzing, and we turn out all the lights and run to the window to await Pipetto’s passage. We heard it every night, at more or less the same time, or that was how legend had it by then.
Some said it was an English reconnaissance plane, some, an American plane that came to drop packages, food and arms for the partisans in the mountains, perhaps not far from us, on the slopes of the Langhe.
It is a starless, moonless night, we cannot see lights in the valley
nor the silhouettes of the hills, and Pipetto is passing above us. No one has ever seen him; he is only a noise in the night.
Pipetto has passed, everything has gone as usual again this evening, and we return to the radio’s last songs. Out in that night bombs might be falling on Milan, packs of German shepherds might be chasing the men Pipetto helps through the hills, but the radio, with that saxophone in-heat voice, is singing Up there at Capocabana, at Capocabana the woman is queen, and she reigns supreme, and I picture a languid diva (maybe I had seen her photo in Novella). She glides softly down a white staircase whose steps light up at the touch of her feet, surrounded by
young men in white tailcoats who tip their top hats and kneel adoringly as she passes. With Capocabana (it was actually Capocabana, not Copacabana), the sexy singer is sending me a message every bit as exotic as that of my stamps.


Mandrake now points his cane upward, to signal the descent of the Dragon Lady, sheathed in black silk, and at every step the students kneel and hold out their hats as a gesture of adoration, as she sings, with that saxophone-in-heat voice, Sentimental this autumn evening sky, infinitely gentle this rose from days gone by, the signs all point to love much to my heart’s delight, that’s all it’s dreamin’ of, an hour of joy tonight an hour with you.

Cam multe citate, nu? In loc sa discut despre insula vad ca am ajuns sa vorbesc despre Misterioasa Flacara. Ascunse sunt caile Domnului.

Timbrele cu pricina sunt urmatoarele:

In Misterioasa Flacara, o seara tipica il gasea pe pokemon la masa admirandu-si colectia de timbre, maica-sa dereticand prin casa, sora-sa jucandu-se intr-un colt, radioul bazaind si el. “I was sitting at the table tending my collection, Mamma was tidying up, my sister was playing in the corner. The radio was on.”

Acuma cu Copacabana.Am crezut prima data ca-i vorba de At the copa, Copacabana, The hottest spot north of Havana.. :) Barry Manillow:

Singura problema e ca nu se potriveau versurile si anii. Copacabana, e din 1978.

Dupa ceva research am gasit si melodia italiana din timpul razboiului, 1944, Alfredo Clerici – A Capocabana. Am bagat-o pe trilulilu, acuma sa vedem daca pot sa o bag aici:

Problema e ca la radio o interpreta o Diva.Diva respectiva e Wanda Osiris, one of Italy’s most successful stage performers of the 1920s, 1930s, and 1940s. Din pacate nu am gasit A Capocabana (e capo, nu copa, Dumnezeu stie de ce) cantata de Osiris. Totusi am gasit cealalta piesa, Sentimental, cea la care face aluzie si Eco la sfarsitul cartii cand coboara Dragon Lady. Nu prea sunt prea multe video cu Wanda Osiris. Daca se intampla sa aiba cineva mp3 cu A Capocabana, interpretata de ea, let me know :)

Frumoase scari. alta melodie de Wanda:

Timbrele evoca mai multe lucruri in acelasi timp. Un obiect iubit, un prieten drag -de care de asemenea e legata o alta intamplare importanta, Episodul Valone, “sexual desire” – pentru o voce, probabil ca i-a vazut si poza prin vreo revista, dar imaginatia merge mult mai depart; o seara din copilarie cu familia; Pipetto – zgomotul produs de un avion in timpul razboiului, oare provoaca un sentiment de frica? ..probabil mai mult de curiozitate -deja se tes legende in jurul acestui nume. Sentimentele produse de aceste timbre, doar cel in cauza poate sa le stie cel mai bine. Probabil ca evoca si mirosuri ..mamaliga cu branza? :) Cum gateste mama, nu gateste nimeni. Sa ajungi sa naufragiezi pe o barca pustie, in mijlocul atator amintiri…

Nu m-am inselat in privinta timbrelor cu pasari Problema e ca primele care le-am gasit, cu orange Dove sunt de pe la 1962, dar va trebui sa zabovesc si asupra acestei probleme mai mult intr-o zi:

Columba de culoarea namrazei, in timbre:

Ptilinopus victor, Fiji 03.12.1962 Definitives

Ptilinopus victor, Fiji 12.02.2001 Taveuni rainforest 2v sheet

Ptilinopus victor, Fiji 17.02.2009 Doves

Cu ceva timp in urma, am scris despre dialogul dintre Sain Savin si unul dintre comesenii lui, si ne intrebam atunci cine-i teologul. Desi am descoperit citatul cu pricina in Biblie (inca tre sa ma lamuresc exact in care Biblie, si ce-i cu Septuaginta asta), ceva ce am citit recent aduce mai multa lumina asupra discutiei respective. Totul este explicat chiar de Eco, in cartea sa Serendipities Language and Lunacies, cartea pe care o puteti copia de la

**Pentru cei ce nu stiu, se pot downloada carti de la, trebuie sa va faceti intai cont, apoi dati search copiati cartile de la “links”. Nu se gasesc carti in romaneste …dar sunt multe in engleza si alte limbi. Este un site care merita vizitat.**


In Serendipities, Capitolul I, “The Force of Falsity”, Eco zice asa:

In the Quaestio quodlibetalis XII, 14, Saint Thomas declares “utrum veritas sit fortior inter vinum et regem et mulierem,” raising, that is, the question of which is more powerful,more convincing,more constrictive: the power of the king, the influence of wine, the charms of woman, or the strength of truth.
Aquinas’s reply respected the king, at whose table he did not, I

believe, reject a few good glasses of wine, though he proved he could resist woman’s charms by pursuing with a glowing firebrand the naked courtesan his brothers had introduced into his room to convince him to become a Benedictine rather than dishonor the family by taking the mendicant habit of the Dominicans.As usual, his reply was subtle and articulated: wine, monarch, woman, and truth are not comparable because non sunt unius generis (they do not belong to the same category). But if we consider them per comparationem ad aliquem effectum (insofar as their effects are concerned),all can stir the human heart to some action.Wine acts on our corporal aspect because it produces drunkenness, and over our sensitive animal nature the delectatio venerea—woman, in short— has power (Thomas did not conceive of possible sexual impulses in the opposite direction that might legitimately affect woman, but we cannot ask Thomas to be Héloise). As for the practical intellect, it is obvious that the king’s will has power over it, the command of law. But the only force that moves the speculative intellect is truth. And inasmuch as vires corporales subjiciuntur viribus animalibus, vires animales intellectualibus, et intellectuales practicae speculativis . . . idea simpliciter veritas dignior est et excellentior et fortior (as our corporeal forces depend on the animal ones, and the animal on the intellectual—and so on and so forth—thus truth is stronger than anything else).
Such then is the force of truth. But experience teaches us that often the imposition of truth has been delayed, and its acceptance has come at the price of blood and tears. Is it not possible that a similar force is displayed also by misunderstanding, whereby we can legitimately speak of a force of the false?

To demonstrate that the false (not necessarily in the form of lies
but surely in the form of error) has motivated many events of history, I should rely on a criterion of truth. But if I were to choose it too dogmatically, I would risk ending my argument at the very moment I begin it.

Acuma nu cred ca am sa ma apuc sa-l citesc pe Toma, dar oricum e de apreciat gagiul pentru rezistenta in fata curtezanei. :)

Lucrurile stăteau mai mult sau mai puţin aşa, cînd bătrînul Pozzo, pe la jumătatea lui aprilie, adună în faţa castelului pe cei mai tineri dintre ţăranii lui, împărţi toate armele ce se găseau în ţinut, îl chemă pe Roberto şi le ţinu tuturor această cuvîntare, pe care şi-o pregătise pesemne în timpul nopţii: “Oameni buni, ascultaţi-mă. Pămîntul ăsta al nostru de la Griva a plătit totdeauna tribut Marchizului de Monferrato, căci de mult timp e ca şi cum ar fi ducele Mantovei, care însă a devenit acuma domnul de Nevers, şi dacă cineva vine şi-mi spune mie că Nevers nu e nici mantovan, nici din Monferrato nu-i, eu îi dau un picior în cur, pentru că sînteţi nişte mîncăi ignoranţi care din lucrurile astea nu pricepeţi nici pe dracu’ şi aşa că-i mai bine să tăceţi din gură şi să-l lăsaţi pe stăpînul vostru să vorbească, pentru că el ştie cel puţin ce-i aia onoare. Dar cum voi onoarea vi-o atîrnaţi în locul ăla, ştiţi voi unde, aflaţi că dacă imperialii intră în Casale, ăia sînt oameni pe care nu-i poţi lua cu binişorul, de viile voastre o să se-aleagă praful, iar de femeile voastre mai bine să nu vorbim. De-aia ne ducem să apărăm Casale. Eu nu oblig pe nimeni. Dacă e vreun tăntălău de trîntor care nu-i de părerea asta, s-o spună acuma şi-l spînzur de stejarul de colo”. Nimeni de pe-atunci nu putea să fi văzut gravurile în acva-forte ale lui Callot cu ciorchini de oameni ca şi ei care atîrnau de alţi stejari, dar pesemne că ceva dădea tîrcoale prin aer: toţi înălţară, care muschetele, care lăncile, care nişte prăjini cu cîte o seceră legată la vîrf şi strigară “Trăiască Casale, jos cu imperialii”. Ca un singur om.

Observ ca Eco mentioneaza, ca narator,  unele nume peste care nu vrea sa sarim. Citisem pe undeva, ca adunase vreo 200 de citate din diferite carti, scriindu-le pe niste bucatele de hartie, fara sa numeasca sursa, ca sa le arunce pe ici pe colo prin text, in the natural flow of writing. Un astfel de citat, desi duce cu el ceva din sensul paragrafului sau cartii  de unde provine, poate sa semnifice (sau sa nu mai aiba nici o legatura cu originea) cu totul altceva acolo unde ajunge. Natural fucking flow (parca asta era expresia folosita.) Cu toate ca avem astfel de citate, pe care datorita “masinariei” lui nici macar autorul probabil ca nu mai stie de pe unde le-a smanglit, sunt locuri unde naratorul da nume. Nume peste care nici noi, nici el, nu ar trebui sa sarim de exemplu citatele de la inceputul carti din Marino si Donne.

Si care poate sa fie smecheria cu Callot? Daca ce am scris eu mai sus, are cat de cat o logica, ce ne-ar putea interesa pe noi la Callot mai mult decat urmatoarea poza la care face referire propozitia de mai sus:

Jacques callot - Les misères de la guerre

Jacques callot - Les misères de la guerre

Altundeva (nu ma intrebati unde, ca sa mor ca nu mai stiu) am citit ca Eco, pe langa faptul ca le-a dat un dosar cu fel de fel de info despre carte, le-a cerut traducatorilor sa nu foloseasca cuvinte aparute dupa secolul xvii. In traducere, sa foloseasca doar cuvinte ce circulau in epoca respectiva – pe la 1600-1650. Interesanta cerinta, nu? :)

Callot a facut o multime de gravuri cu oameni din acea epoca, soldati, cersetori, peisaje, mizeriile razboiului, caractere din Commedia dell’arte. Deisgur ca ne intereseaza gravurile cu razboiul, si cele ale oamenilor vremi, dar ce mi-a atras atentia sunt gravurile despre Balli di Sfessania. Copii de la Giornale Nuovo ca mi-e lene sa dau din papagal. Sper sa nu se supere gagiul:

Balli di Sfessania

In about 1622, an album of etchings by the French graphic artist Jacques Callot (1592-1635) was published, under the title Balli di Sfessania

'Cap. Cardoni and Maramao', etching by Jacques Callot, from 'Balli di Sfessania', ca. 1622.

The prints in this series – Callot’s most exuberant and delightful – depict dances known in Neapolitan dialect as the sfessania. Such dances, as Callot’s etchings demonstrate in salacious detail, are characterized by violent and sometimes obscene physical contortions and gesticulations. Each plate features a pair of figures pulled from the repertoire of popular entertainers, their balletic interactions running a comic gamut from mock grace to blatant crudity – source here.

'Razullo and Cucurucu', etching by Jacques Callot, from 'Balli di Sfessania', ca. 1622.*

'Cucoronga and Pernoualla', etching by Jacques Callot, from 'Balli di Sfessania', ca. 1622.Callot had lived in Rome from 1608, and then in Florence from about 1612. He was appointed to the court of Grand Duke Cosimo II in 1614, for whom he made numerous prints intended as official depictions of the various public festivities staged by the Medici Court. Presumably, Callot had ample opportunity to make sketches of the entertainers participating in these events, later to become source material for the Balli series, which Callot etched some time after he returned to his native Nancy.

'Bello Sguardo and Couiello', etching by Jacques Callot, from 'Balli di Sfessania', ca. 1622.*

'Scaramucia and Fricasso', etching by Jacques Callot, from 'Balli di Sfessania', ca. 1622.I recognized some of the figures in these dances, or at least their names, as stock characters of the Commedia dell‘Arte: Pulcinella (not pictured here) and Scaramouche, for example. Many of the other names were unfamiliar to me, though: I had never heard of Maramao, say, or Cucurucu.

'Riciulina and Metzetin', etching by Jacques Callot, from 'Balli di Sfessania', ca. 1622.*

'Franca Trippa and Fritellino', etching by Jacques Callot, from 'Balli di Sfessania', ca. 1622.Interestingly, Callot’s works in this vein had a delayed but decisive literary influence. Amongst the first publications of the 19th-century German writer E.T.A. Hoffmann was a collection of tales entitled Fantasiest�cke in Callot’s Manier ‘Fantastic pieces in the manner of Callot’ (1814/15). A later story of Hoffmann’s, the marvellous Princess Brambilla (1820) was subtitled ‘Ein Capriccio nach Jakob Callot’.

'Scapino and Cap. Zabino', etching by Jacques Callot, from 'Balli di Sfessania', ca. 1622.The present images were all lifted from a Commedia dell‘Arte page at Guy Spielmann’s marvellous site Spectacles du Grand Si�cle, which collects many fascinating images relating to theatre in the 17th/18th Centuries. The final image, below, belongs to a different series of etchings, also by Callot, called Varie Figuri Gobbi (‘Various Hunchbacked Figures’)…

Etching by Jacques Callot, from 'Varie Gobbi Figure', ca. 1621..

Personajul care ne intereseaza pe noi este Pulcinella, dar voi vorbi despre el in alta postare. By the way, m-am gandit sa fac site-ul multilingual, poate gasesc niste italieni sa ne dea informatii despre unele chestii. Ei le stiu, si miros datorita faptului ca sunt italieni, cum probabil ca englezi prind cu usurinta aluziile la Donne si alti, si francezi …la mai stiu eu cine. Om trai si-om vedea. Pana una alta, sa speram ca mai sunt romani care ar vrea sa se implice. :)

Am sa adun si ceva poze din Les misères de la guerre, pentru o viitoare postare, ca sa vedem cum era lumea lui Roberto in timpul razboiului.

De vazut:  Cyber Muse Jacques Callot Gallery.

“Pentru soluţia acestei probleme legate de Punto Fijo,” urmă cardinalul, “acum şaptezeci de ani Filip al II-lea al Spaniei oferea o avere, iar mai tîrziu Filip al III-lea promitea şaisprezece mii de ducaţi rentă perpetuă şi două mii rentă viageră, iar Statele Generale ale Olandei treizeci de mii de florini. Nici noi nu ne-am zgîrcit cu ajutoarele în bani faţă de astronomi merituoşi… Apropo, Colbert, doctorul acela, Morin, sînt opt ani de cînd îl facem să aştepte…”

“Eminenţă, voi înşivă spuneţi că sînteţi convins că povestea aceea cu paralaxa lunară e o himeră…”

“Da, dar ca să-şi susţină ipoteza aceea a lui foarte îndoielnică, el a studiat cu eficacitate şi le-a criticat pe celelalte. Să-l facem să participe la acest nou proiect, ar putea să-i dea lămuriri domnului de San Patrizio. Să i se ofere o pensie, nu e nimic care să stimuleze ca banul bunele înclinări. Dacă ideea lui ar conţine un grăunte de adevăr, vom putea să ne asigurăm mai bine şi, în acelaşi timp, vom putea evita ca, simţindu-se părăsit în patria lui, să cedeze solicitărilor olandezilor. Mi se pare că tocmai olandezii sînt aceia care, văzîndu-i pe spanioli că şovăie, au început să trateze cu acel Galilei, iar noi am face bine să nu rămînem pe dinafară acestei situaţii…”

“Eminenţă”, zise Colbert ezitînd, “binevoiţi să vă amintiţi că Galilei a murit la începutul acestui an…”

“Adevărat? Să ne rugăm lui Dumnezeu să fie fericit, mai fericit decît i-a fost dat să fie în viaţă”.

“Şi oricum, şi soluţia lui a părut mult timp să fie definitivă, dar nu este…”

“Din fericire mi-ai luat-o înainte, Colbert. Dar să presupunem ca nici soluţia lui Morin nu face nici cît un ban găurit. Ei bine, noi să-l susţinem totuşi, să facem să se aprindă din nou discuţia în jurul ideilor lui, să stimulăm curiozitatea olandezilor: să facem în aşa fel ca să se lase ispitiţi, şi îi vom fi pus pentru cîtva timp pe adversari pe o pistă falsă. Vor fi bani bine cheltuiţi, în orice caz. Dar despre asta am vorbit de ajuns. Continuă, te rog, căci în timp ce San Patrizio află, voi învăţa şi eu.”

Cu compliments,

jean-baptiste-morinJean-Baptiste Morin (February 23, 1583November 6, 1656), also known by his Latin pseudonym as Morinus, was a French mathematician, astrologer, and astronomer. Born in Villefranche, Yonne, in the Beaujolais, he began studying philosophy at Aix-en-Provence at the age of 16. He studied medicine at Avignon in 1611 and received his medical degree two years later. He was employed by the Bishop of Boulogne from 1613 to 1621 and was sent to Germany and Hungary during this time. He served the bishop as an astrologer and also visited mines and studied metals. He subsequently worked for the Duke of Luxembourg until 1629. Morin published a defense of Aristotle in 1624. He also worked in the field of optics, and continued to study in astrology. He worked with Pierre Gassendi on observational astronomy.

In 1630, Morin was appointed professor of mathematics at the Collège Royal, a post he held until his death.

A firm believer of the idea that the Earth remained fixed in space, Morin is best known for being opponent of Galileo and the latter’s ideas. He continued his attacks after the Trial of Galileo. Morin seems to have been a rather contentious figure, as he also attacked Descartes‘ ideas after meeting the philosopher in 1638. These disputes isolated Morin from the scientific community at large.

Morin believed that improved methods of solving spherical triangles had to be found and that better lunar tables were needed.

Morin and longitude

Morin attempted to solve the longitude problem. In 1634, he proposed his solution: it was based on measuring absolute time by the position of the Moon relative to the stars. It was a variation of the lunar distance method. Morin added some improvements to this method, such as better scientific instruments and taking lunar parallax into account. Morin did not believe that Gemma Frisius’ transporting clock method for calculating out longitude would work. Morin, unfailingly irascible, remarked, “I do not know if the Devil will succeed in making a longitude timekeeper but it is folly for man to try.”

A prize was to be awarded, so a committee was set up by Richelieu to evaluate Morin’s proposal. Serving on this committee were Étienne Pascal, Claude Mydorge, and Pierre Hérigone. The committee remained in dispute with Morin for the five years after he made his proposal. Morin refused to listen to objections to his proposal, which was considered impractical. In his attempts to convince the committee members, Morin proposed that an observatory be set up in order to provide accurate lunar data. He wrangled with the committee for five years.

In 1645, Cardinal Mazarin, Richelieu’s successor, awarded Morin a pension of 2,000 livres for his work on the longitude problem.


De asemenea vedeti:


The Astrology of Jean-Baptiste Morin by Thomas Callanan

Astrology Books by Jean-Baptiste Morin

Celestial alphabet, from Jacques Gaffarels Curiosités innouies, 1637

Celestial alphabet, from Jacques Gaffarel's Curiosités innouies, 1637

Cît despre cercul fraţilor Dupuy, englezii nu erau acolo populari: erau identificaţi cu personagii ca Robertus a Fluctibus, Medicinae Doctor, Eques Auratus şi Armigero oxoniense, împotriva căruia se scriseseră felurite broşuri, luîndu-i-se în dispreţ excesiva încredere în operaţiile oculte ale naturii. Însă în acelaşi cerc era primit un ecleziastic muncit de diavol ca domnul Gaffarel, care, în ceea ce privea credinţa în curiozităţi nemaiauzite, nu se lăsa mai prejos de nici un britanic,


Sfătuit de monseniorul Gaffarel (în şoaptă, ca să nu audă ceilalţi frecventatori ai familiei Dupuy, fiindcă nu prea credeau în lucrurile astea) citea Ars Magnesia de Kirker, Tractatus de magnetica vnlnerum curatione de Goclenius, pe Fracastoro, Discursus de unguento armario al lui Fludd, şi Hopolochrisma spongus de Foster. Devenea tot mai ştiutor în a-şi traduce învăţătura în poezie şi a putea într-o bună zi să strălucească în elocinţă, mesager al simpatiei universale, acolo unde era umilit într-una de elocinţă altora.


Nu ştiu cît anume ştia Roberto despre enigmele Evreilor, care totuşi erau foarte la modă în timpul acela, dar, dacă-l frecventa pe domnul Gaffarel, cîte ceva ar fi trebuit să audă: fapt e că Evreii pe seama porumbelului construiseră adevărate turnuri.


Roberto nu se putea gîndi la Canonicul de Digne, sau la domnul Gaffarel aşternîndu-se cîmpului în galop către închisoarea lui


Mare e gradina ta Doamne, probabil ca ar spune cineva care i-ar cunoste pe acesti oameni de stiinta ai vremi. Uneori iti vine greu sa crezi ca au fost personaje reale. Par a fi luati dintr-o poveste. Interesanta metoda de a construi “fantezii”, bazate pe realitate. Daca cineva ar putea calatori in timp, ar fi destul de uimit.

Jacques Gaffarel, pe langa ca era preot, ocultist si astrolog, ajunsese si bibliotecarul lui Richelieu, si a scris cateva carti despre ocultism si alte minuni. “Ocultism”, poate e prea mult spus. Facuse o harta a cerului, si spunea ca stelele seamana cu o scriere ebraica, si ar fi putea citite ca o carte. Ideea este, ca era bagat in fel de fel de teorii aberante, si simtim ca Eco, il ridiculizeaza. Daca Gaffarel a fost unul din mentori lui Roberto, ne putem imagina ce era in mintea bietului baiat. Robertus a Fluctibus, e Robert Fludd, fizician, astrolog si mistic englez, ce nu prea era inghitit de cercul de “intelepti” francezi, al fratilor Dupuy, pe care-l frecventa Roberto.

a form of the (Hebrew) alphabet (magic letters) going back to the Hellenistic period, in which the lines of the letters culminate in rounded points, permitting a later application to the night sky, where patterns of stars (points joined by lines) can then be read as letters, groups of letters read as words, etc. In the process the sky becomes a massive concrete or visual poem, whose words or messages are constantly transforming.

CELESTIAL ALPHABET EVENT The work of a Christian kabbalist of the seventeenth century, it can be best compared to contemporary attempts to model poetic structures on — or read them into — natural phenomena. Here as elsewhere the key is calligraphic: a form of the (Hebrew) alphabet ("magic letters") going back to the Hellenistic period, in which the lines of the letters culminate in rounded points, permitting a later application to the night sky, where patterns of stars (points joined by "lines") can then be read as letters, groups of letters read as words, etc. In the process the sky becomes a massive concrete or visual poem, whose words or "messages" are constantly transforming.

Dr. Robert Fludd, Robertus a Fluctibus, Medicinae Doctor, Eques Auratus şi Armigero oxoniense

Dr. Robert Fludd, Robertus a Fluctibus, Medicinae Doctor, Eques Auratus şi Armigero oxoniense

Curiositez inouyes sur la sculpture talismanique des Persans, horoscope des Patriarches et lecture des estoiles

O pagina din: "Curiositez inouyes sur la sculpture talismanique des Persans, horoscope des Patriarches et lecture des estoiles" de Jacques Gaffarel

“Mai bine faci cinstindu-ţi părintele aşa”, zise Saint-Savin, “cînd ţi-aduci aminte de învăţăturile lui, decît adineauri cînd ascultai latina aia stîlcită din biserică.”

“Domnule de Saint-Savin”, îi răspunsese Roberto, “nu-ţi este teamă că vei sfîrşi pe rug?”

Saint-Savin se mohorî cîteva clipe. “Cînd aveam şi eu mai mult sau mai puţin anii domniei tale, admiram pe cineva care a fost pentru mine ca un frate mai mare. Îl chema Lucilius, ca pe un filosof din antichitate, şi era şi el tot un filosof, şi preot pe deasupra. A sfîrşit pe rug la Toulouse, dar mai întîi i-au smuls limba şi l-au spînzurat. Vezi, deci, că dacă noi filosofii sîntem ascuţiţi la limbă, nu-i numai aşa, cum spunea domnul acela, atunci, seara, ca să fim de bon ton. E ca să tragem foloase din ea înainte să ne fie smulsă. Sau, başca temniţa, s-o rupem cu prejudecăţile şi să descoperim raţiunea firească a lucrurilor.”


“You honor your father better now,” Saint-Savin said, “by remembering his teachings, than you did before, listening to that execrable Latin in church.”

“Monsieur de Saint-Savin,” Roberto said to him, “are you not afraid of ending up at the stake?”

Saint-Savin frowned for a moment. “When I was more or less your age, I admired a man who had been an older brother to me. Like an ancient philosopher I called him Lucretius, for he, too, was a philosopher, and moreover a priest. He ended up at the stake in Toulouse, but first they tore out his tongue and strangled him. And so you see that if we philosophers are quick of tongue, it is not simply, as that gentleman said the other evening, to give ourselves ban ton. It is to put the tongue to good use before they rip it out. Or, rather, jesting aside, to dispel prejudice and to discover the natural cause of Creation.”


“State meglio onorando vostro padre ora,” disse Saint-Savin “ricordandone gli insegnamenti, che prima quando ascoltavate un cattivo latino in chiesa.”

“Signor di Saint-Savin,” gli aveva detto Roberto, “non temete di finire sul rogo?”

Saint-Savin si incupì per un istante. “Quando avevo più o meno la vostra età ammiravo quello che è stato per me come un fratello maggiore. Come un filosofo antico lo chiamavo Lucrezio, ed era filosofo anch’esso, e prete per giunta. È finito sul rogo a Tolosa, ma prima gli hanno strappato la lingua e l’hanno strangolato. E quindi vedete che se noi filosofi siamo svelti di lingua non è solo, come diceva quel signore l’altra sera, per darci bon ton. È per trarne partito prima che ce la strappino. Ovvero, celie a parte, per rompere coi pregiudizi e scoprire la ragione naturale delle cose.”

Incep sa ma ameteasca traducerile astea si tot nu-i dau de capat cine-i Saint Savin. Bergerac nu are cum sa fie, pentru ca Bergerac s-a nascut in 1619, anul morti lui Vanini. Saint Savin, zice ca Vanini ii era ca un frate mai mare si il admira cand avea varsta de vreo 16 ani. In versiunea Engleza si Italiana zice ca Saint Savin il numea pe acest prieten Lucretius, ca pe un filosof din antichitate. Traducerea romana zice cu totul altceva. Ii zice pe numele adevarat: Lucilius.  Akuma nu cred ca Lucilius si Lucretiu sunt acelasi lucru dar ma pot insela. Oricum totce tine de traduceri e interesant. Cuvantul “Lucilius”, m-a ajutat mai mult sa-l dibuiesc pe acest prieten, ca nu prea ajungeam nicaieri, doar cu “Lucretiu”, “ars pe rug” si “Toulouse”. Din pacate nu am gasit multe informatii si biografiile pe care le-am gasit sunt uneori contradictorii si incomplete. Mai sunt mentiuni si in cateva carti de pe la 1700 -1800 …dar tot nu-mi place cum suna. Asta e. Trebuie sa ne mutumim cu ce avem. Prietenul lui Savin, e un personaj foarte interesant si se numeste Lucilio Vanini. Inainte sa bag biografiile, am sa mai zic doua lucruri. Ce sare in ochi la Vanini: e condamnat de ateism desi pare a fi panteist, propune ca oameni s-ar trage din maimute (asta e putin trasa de urechi, dar neavand textele originale, ramanem la ce mai citim pe ici pe colo) si se pare ca este impotrvia nemuriri sufletului, la fel ca “filosoful din antichitate” Lucretiu. La acesti filosofi tinzi sa gasesti lucruri interesante dar si multe aberatii specifice timpului. Asta se intampla cand vrei sa construiesti o teorie care sa explice “totul”, si uiti la ce nivel esti, in acel moment al istoriei. Se pare ca nici eu nu sunt la mare nivel, ca nu se intelege nimica din ce vreau sa spun :)

Lucilio Vanini

Lucilio Vanini

Vanini, Giulio Cesare

1. Dates

Born: Taurisano, Lecce (Southern Italy), c. 1585

Died: Toulouse, France, 9 February 1619

Dateinfo: Birth Uncertain

Lifespan: 34

2. Father

Occupation: Government Official

Vanini was the son of Giovanni Battista Vanini, a local official, and a Spanish noblewoman. His father was seventy years old when he was born.

Namer is unambiguous in saying that the parents were affluent. They had a fine house in Taurisano and other property as well. I will accept this. Nevertheless I do note that Vanini had to enter a religious order to be able to complete his university education. The situation is obscure. He entered the University of Naples in 1599; he took orders in 1603. Sometime near then his father died, and Vanini was not the eldest son. Perhaps this was involved in his entering the order.

3. Nationality

Birth: Italian

Career: Italian, English, French

Death: French

4. Education

Schooling: Naples, LD; Padua

Vanini earned a doctorate in canon and civil law from the University of Naples on 6 June 1606. As with all such cases, I assume a B.A. or its equivalent.

He enrolled in the faculty of theology in Padua in 1608, and was there until 1612. There is no record of a degree.

5. Religion

Affiliation: Catholic, Heterodox

Vanini became a Carmelite friar about 1603.

When studying in Padua, Vanini showed himself unambiguously in favor of Venice in the republic’s dispute with the Papacy. The general of his order commanded him to return to the house in Naples, where he would have been disciplined, probably severely. Instead Vanini sought refuge with the English ambassador to Venice in 1612, and he went secretly to England where he publicly renounced Catholicism. Already in 1613 the English experience had paled, and he appealed to the Pope to be received back in the Church, not as a friar, but as a secular priest. The request was granted by the Pope himself. When the Archbishop of Canterbury learned of Vanini’s plans, he had him imprisoned, but Vanini succeeded in escaping to France.

Well before this Vanini had been flirting with radical ideas, which found expression in two books published in France. He is known as the prince of libertins. He was accused of atheism. Whatever the truth of this, there seems no doubt that he held radically heterodox opinions. He advanced a naturalistic philosophy according to which the world is eternal and governed by immanent laws. For him all of nature with its immanent laws is what divine providence means. He held that the human soul, which is similar to animal souls is mortal. For these ideas Vanini’s book was condemned and three years later, in 1619, known under the pseudonym, Pompeo Uciglio, he was savagely executed in Toulouse.

6. Scientific Disciplines

Primary: Natural Philosophy

Vanini published two books in France after the English interlude–Amphitheatrum aeternae providentiae divino-magicum. Christiano-physicum, nec non astrologo-catholicum. Aversus veteres philosophos, 1615, and De admirandis naturae reginae deaeque mortalium arcanis, 1616. It was for these two, especially the second, that he was condemned and forced to flee Paris, and for opinions like those in the second that he was then executed in 1619.

On the basis of these works Vanini can be seen as one of the first who began to treat nature as a machine governed by laws.

7. Means of Support

Primary: Patronage

Secondary: Church Life, Schoolmastering, Medicine

Vanini was originally a Carmelite friar. After completing his degree in Naples in 1606, he remained in the area of Naples for two years, apparently as a friar. He then went on to Padua in 1608, and there he lived in the monastery of his order.

In 1612, as he waited on the negotiations that granted him asylum in England, he lived in Bologna, supporting himself as a teacher.

The trip to England was financed by the patronage of the English ambassador, and in England he lived entirely (and increasingly unhappily) on the patronage of George Abbot, the Archbishop of Canterbury.

After his escape from England he went to Genoa where he was the teacher of Giacomo Doria, of that prominent family.

In Paris, 1615-16, he lived on the patronage of Arthur d’Epinay de Saint Luc, abbé de Redon and Bishop of Marseille, and after he was forced to flee Paris he found refuge for several months at the monastery of Redon in Brittainy.

After he fled on from Redon, Vanini supported himself for a time by practising medicine under an assumed name.

In Toulouse he lived as the client of the highest aristocrats, especially the Comte de Caraman. Part of his function as client was teaching.

8. Patronage

Types: Government Official, Eccesiastic Official, Aristrocrat

Vanini was a charismatic character, and wherever he went he collected patrons like flies around honey. This started in Padua where he charmed the English ambassador to Venice, Sir Dudley Carleton, right out of his shoes. Carleton arranged for Vanini’s escape to England in 1612 and financed the trip.

In England the Archbishop of Canterbury agreed to receive Vanini on Carleton’s recommendation. For a time Vanini exerted the same charm on Abbot, who arranged for his public conversion in June 1612, and supported him, though not in a way that pleased Vanini, during his stay in England.

When Vanini decided to get out of England, Antonio Foscarini, the Venetian ambassador, provided support. Someone helped to arrange his escape, and it was probably Foscarini.

After England he went briefly to Genoa where he became the teacher, and client, of Giacomo Doria.

Vanini dedicated his Amphitheatrum, 1615, to Francesco di Castro, Conte di Castro, the protector of his family back in Taurisano. In the dedication Vanini refers to him as his generous maecenas.

In Paris he became the client of the abbé de Redon, at whose house in stayed. When the storm broke in 1616, Vanini found refuge for a time in the monastery of Redon.

Meanwhile he had dedicated the book that caused the storm, De admirandis arcanis, 1616, to the abbé’s uncle, M. (soon to be maréchal) de Bassombpierre.

As I said, Vanini collected patrons as he went. Apparently libertin aristocrats lapped up his radical ideas, served up as they were with verve, irreverence, and charm. He no sooner arrived in Toulouse, travelling under an assumed name, than he became the client of Jean de Bertier de Montrabe, the third president (there were first and second presidents at the same time) of the Parlement of Toulouse. More important than Bertier was the Comte de Caraman, of whose nephew Vanini became tutor.

Namer’s book gives a good account of his patronage.

9. Technological Involvement

Type: Medical Practice

10. Scientific Societies

Memberships: None


  1. Emile Namer, La vie et l’oeuvre de J.C. Vanini, prince des libertins, (Paris, 1980).
  2. Andrzej Nowicki, Giulio Cesare Vanini, 1585-1619, (Accademia Polacco della Scienze, Bibliotheca e centro di studi a Roma. Conferenze 39), (Wroclaw, 1968).

Not Available and Not Consulted

  1. Emile Namer, Documents sur la vie de Jules-César Vanini de Taurisano (publ. dell’Istituto di Filosofia (1). Univ. degli studi di Bari), (Bari, n.d.). _____, “L’oeuvre de Jules-César Vanini (1585-1619): une anthropologie philosophique,” in Studi in onore di Antonio Corsano, (Manduria, 1970).
  2. _____, “Vanini et la préparation de l’esprit scientifique a l’aube du XVIIe siècle,” Revue d’histoire des sciences et de leur applications, 25 (1972), 207-20.
  3. Don Cameron Allen, Doubt’s Boundless Sea: Skepticism and Faith in the Renaissance, (Baltimore, 1964), pp. 58-74.
  4. J.-Roger Charbonnel, La pensée italienne au XVIe siècle et le courant libertin, (Paris, 1919), pp. 302-83.
  5. William L. Hine, “Mersenne and Vanini,” Renaissance Quarterly, c.
  6. 1976.
  7. Raffaele Palumbo, Giulio Cesare Vanini e i suoi tempi, (Naples, 1878). This list does not begin to exhaust the extensive literature on Vanini. After I had found Namer’s book, which is recent and authoritative, there seemed no point in reading further.

Compiled by:

Richard S. Westfall

Department of History and Philosophy of Science

Indiana University


Lucilio Vanini, born in 1585, was an Italian philosopher, learned in
medicine, astronomy, theology, and philosophy, who, after the fashion of
the scholars of the age, roamed from country to country, like the knight-
errants of the days of chivalry, seeking for glory and honours, not by the
sword, but by learning. This Vanini was a somewhat vain and ridiculous
person. Not content with his Christian name Lucilio, he assumed the
grandiloquent and high-sounding cognomen of Julius Caesar, wishing to
attach to himself some of the glory of the illustrious founder of the
Roman empire. As the proud Roman declared _Veni, Vidi, Vici_, so would he
carry on the same victorious career, subduing all rival philosophers by
the power of his eloquence and learning. He visited Naples, wandered
through France, Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, and England, and
finally stationed himself in France, first at Lyons, and then in a convent
at Toulouse. At Lyons he produced his famous and fatal book,
_Amphitheatrum aeternae providentiae divino-magicum Christiano-Physicum,
nec non Astrologo-Catholicum_ (Lugduni, 1616). It was published with the
royal assent, but afterwards brought upon its author the charge of
Atheism. He concealed the poison most carefully; for apparently he
defended the belief in the Divine Providence and in the immortality of the
soul, but with consummate skill and subtilty he taught that which he
pretended to refute, and led his readers to see the force of the arguments
against the Faith of which he posed as a champion. By a weak and feeble
defence, by foolish arguments and ridiculous reasoning, he secretly
exposed the whole Christian religion to ridicule. But if any doubts were
left whether this was done designedly or unintentionally, they were
dispelled by his second work, _De admirandis naturae reginae deaeque
mortalium arcanis_ (Paris, 1616), which, published in the form of sixty
dialogues, contained many profane statements. In this work also he adopted
his previous plan of pretending to demolish the arguments against the
Faith, while he secretly sought to establish them. He says that he had
wandered through Europe fighting against the Atheists wherever he met with
them. He describes his disputations with them, carefully recording all
their arguments; he concludes each dialogue by saying that he reduced the
Atheists to silence, but with strange modesty he does not inform his
readers what reasonings he used, and practically leaves the carefully
drawn up atheistical arguments unanswered. The Inquisition did not approve
of this subtle method of teaching Atheism, and ordered him to be confined
in prison, and then to be burned alive. This sentence was carried out at
Toulouse in 1619, in spite of his protestations of innocence, and the
arguments which he brought forward before his judges to prove the
existence of God. Some have tried to free Vanini from the charge of
Atheism, but there is abundant evidence of his guilt apart from his books.
The tender mercies of the Inquisition were cruel, and could not allow so
notable a victim to escape their vengeance. Whether to burn a man is the
surest way to convert him, is a question open to argument. Vanini
disguised his insidious teaching carefully, but it required a thick veil
to deceive the eyes of Inquisitors, who were wonderfully clever in spying
out heresy, and sometimes thought they had discovered it even when it was
not there. Vanini and many other authors would have been wiser if they had
not committed their ideas to writing, and contented themselves with words
only. _Litera scripta manet_; and disguise it, twist it, explain it, as
you will, there it stands, a witness for your acquittal or your
condemnation. This thought stays the course of the most restless pen,
though the racks and fires of the Inquisition no longer threaten the
incautious scribe. BOOKS FATAL TO THEIR AUTHORS BY P. H. DITCHFIELD 1854-1930

Ardere pe rug

“Jesus facing death sweated with fear, I die undaunted.”

Vanini, Giulio Cesare (1585 – 9 February 1619)

Vanini was educated in philosophy and theology at Rome University and took the priesthood after studying the canon law in Padua about 1603. He traveled widely throughout Europe, espousing his rationalist viewpoint and supporting himself by giving lessons. A freethinking priest alleged to be a believer in witchcraft and denying the current views on immortality, he said he knew that the world could not have been created out of nothing and said Jesus was not divine. As a result, Lucilio – who gave himself the name Julius Caesar – was driven from one country to another, preaching such views in France, England, Holland, and Germany. In Paris, he reportedly had fifty thousand followers at one point. When he took refuge in England, he spent 49 days in the Tower of London. In southern France, he published a book critical of atheism in 1615, in an attempt to clear himself from charges of heresy. But the following year his second book was published and is credited with being closer to his real views, in which he advanced a naturalistic philosophy, calling the human soul mortal. The book was ordered burned by the Sorbonne, and Vanini was charged with atheism. Four of his books made the Vatican’s Index Librorum Prohibitorum.

He was arrested in 1618 in Toulouse. After being found guilty, he was condemned, as an atheist, to have his tongue cut off, to be strangled at the stake, and to have his body burned to ashes. It is said he refused the ministration of a priest. An anti-Christian critic of scholasticism, he is credited with laying the foundation of modern philosophy. An attempt was made to force him to beg God, the king, and the judicial body for pardon, but he insisted he believed neither in God nor in the Devil. During the French Revolution, Maréchal cited Vanini as being one of the greatest atheists of all time. J. M. Robertson, however, wrote,

  • He was in fact a deist with the inevitable leaning of the philosophic theist to pantheism; and whatever he may have said to arouse priestly hatred at Toulouse, he was rather less of an atheist than Spinoza or Bruno or John Scotus.

The Church brought him to trial, he was convicted at Toulouse by the voices of the majority. At the trial, he protested his belief in God and defended the existence of Deity with the flimsiest arguments, so flimsy, noted Foote, that one can easily suspect he was pouring irony on the judges. They found him guilty, ordered that his tongue be cut out, then that he burned alive. It is said that, afterwards, he confessed, took the communion, and declared himself ready to subscribe to the Church tenets.

However, the sentence was carried out on the same day, February 9, 1619. Drawn on a hurdle, in his shirt, with a placard on his shoulders inscribed “Atheist and Blasphemer of the name of God,” he cried out in Italian that he rejoiced to die like a philosopher. “Jesus facing death sweated with fear,” he said. “I die undaunted.” Or, as described by President Gramond, author of History of France Under Louis XIII,

  • I saw him in the tumbril as they led him to execution, mocking the Cordelier who had been sent to exhort him to repentance, and insulting our Savior by these impious words, ‘He sweated with fear and weakness, and I die undaunted.’

Before burning him, his Christian benefactors did tear out his tongue by the roots, although he was said to have been so obstinate they had to use pincers. One Christian historian found humorous the victim’s long cry of agony. Vanini then was strangled, his body was burned in Toulouse, and the ashes of the thirty-four-year-old person described as the Antichrist, the disciple of Satan, were scattered to the wind.


In General Sketch of the History of Pantheism -1878 , sunt cateva lucruri interesante despre Vanini. Cateva citate:

“There is neither God nor devil: for if there was a God, I would pray Him to send a thunderbolt on the Council as all that is unjust and iniquitous; and if there were a devil I would pray him to engulf them in the subterranean regions; but since there is neither one nor the other, there is nothing for me to do.”


“The world”, says Vanini in another place “is perhaps an animal of which we are all members.”“


“His speculations concerning the origin of life are very interesting, and the arguments he advances for and against his own theories are somewhat curious through the undoubted resemblance they bear to the arguments one hears so frequently brought against the Evolution Theory in our own day.

‘According to Diodorus Siculus,’ says Vanini, ‘the first man was brought forth out of the slime of the earth.’ ‘But if so,’ observed Alexander, ‘how doth it happen that in five hundred thousand years, since which the world hath formed itself (according to that atheist), how is it, I say, that there hath not been one brought forth in that manner?’

‘Nevertheless,’ replied Vanini, ‘ he is not the only one who hath taken taht story for truth. Witness the opinion of Cardanus: he believes that as the smaller animals, mice and fishes, are produced by putrefaction, it is very probable that the greater animals, and even all in general, are derived from them also.’

‘A handsome method of reasoning,’ replied Alexander. ‘A mouse may be broıght forth out of putrefaction; therefore a man may also. Are there not still sufficient heaps of filth and slime? Why, then, is there not sometimes a horse, sometimes an ox produced from it?’

‘That’s right,’ replied Vanini; ‘but Diodorus Siculus relates that there is a certain part of the Nile, where it overflows, leaving behind it, as it were, a bed of mud, from which, when heated by the sun, there are produced animals of a monstrous size.’

‘That’s well,’ replied Alexander; ‘but as for me I never could believe such a lie.’

‘Others have dreamed,’ remarked Vanini, ‘that the first man had taken his origin from mud, putrefied by the corruption of certain monkeys, swine, and frogs; and thence, they say, proceeds the great resemblance there is betwixt our flesh and propensities with those of these creatures. Other atheist more mild have thought that none but the Ethiopians are produced from a race of monkeys, because the same degree of heat is found in both.’

“205. When I consider the short duration of my life, swallowed up in the

eternity before and after, the little space which I fill and even can see,
engulfed in the infinite immensity of spaces of which I am ignorant and
which know me not, I am frightened and am astonished at being here rather
than there; for there is no reason why here rather than there, why now
rather than then. Who has put me here? By whose order and direction have
this place and time been allotted to me? Memoria hospitis unius diei
praetereuntis. [27]

206. The eternal silence of these infinite spaces frightens me.”  Blaise Pascal – Pensees

Zilele astea am sa incerc sa fac biografiile personajelor gasite in Insula, si mult mai incolo, cand voi fi citit mult mai multe despre fiecare, ma voi putea angaja cu adevarat intr-o discutie “cu ei” (sa zic asa). Pascal imi aminteste de bunicu, el zicea ca e mai bine sa crezi in Dumnezeu, decat sa nu crezi. Daca crezi, si dupa ce mori afli ca ai avut dreptate, ai multe de castigat, rai, rauri de lapte si miere etc. Daca crezi, si nu exista, nu ai nimic de pierdut- daca nu crezi si exista te pun draci la fiert, ti-o trag pe la spate si te inteapa cu furculitele :). Intotdeauna acest rationament mi s-a parut stupid. Daca Dumnezeu intradevar exista, oare chiar il putem duce cu presu ca pe ultimul mascarici? In fine… Unde apare Pascal? In frumosul dialog ce urmeaza. Apropo, am mai gasit nishte diferente intre versiunea in romana a carti pe care o am eu si cea in engleza si italiana. Probabil ca versiunea electronica a carti este gresita. Va trebui sa cumpar cartea ca sa verific, dar oricum voi folosi si versiunea electronica pentru ca e mult mai usor cu Copy- Paste. Diferenta despre care vorbesc e:  “Bietul băiat”, zisese libertinul, “el construieşte maşini ca să numere infinitul” – “Poor boy,” the libertine then said, “he builds machines to count the finite” – “Povero ragazzo,” aveva detto il libertino, “lui costruisce macchine per contare il finito“. Deci nu e “infinitul” ci “finitul”, in propozitia respectiva.

Roberto îşi amintea de răspunsul unui tînăr de nouăsprezece ani, care într-o zi la Paris fusese învitat la o reuniune a prietenilor săi filosofi, pentru că se spunea că proiectează o maşină capabilă să facă calcule aritmetice. Roberto nu înţelesese bine cum trebuia să funcţioneze maşina, şi-l considerase pe băiatul acela (poate din acreală) prea şters, prea sobru şi prea încrezut pentru vîrsta lui, în timp ce prietenii săi libertini îl învăţau că poţi deveni ştiutor într-un mod mai vesel. Şi aşa de puţin suportase asta încît, ajunşi să vorbească despre vid, tînărul voise să-şi spună şi el părerea, şi chiar cu o anume cutezanţă: “S-a vorbit prea mult de vid pînă acum. Acum e necesar să fie demonstrat prin experienţă”. Şi o spunea ca şi cum datoria aceea într-o bună zi avea să-i revină lui.
Roberto îl întrebase la ce experienţe se gîndea, iar băiatul îi spusese că nu ştia încă. Roberto, ca să-l ruşineze, îi propusese toate obiecţiile filosofice pe care le cunoştea: dacă vidul ar fi, nu ar fi materie (care e plină), nu ar fi spirit, pentru că nu se poate concepe un spirit care să fie gol, nu ar exista Dumnezeu, pentru ca ar fi lipsit pînă şi de sine, nu ar fi nici substanţă nici accident, ar transmite lumina fără să fie hialin… Ce anume ar fi atunci?
Băiatul răspunsese cu o anume siguranţă, ţinînd ochii în jos: “Poate că ar fi ceva la jumătatea drumului între materie şi nimic, şi nu ar face parte nici dintr-una nici din cealaltă. S-ar deosebi de nimic prin dimensiunea lui, de materie prin nemişcarea lui. Ar fi un fel de a nu-fi. Nici presupunere, nici abstracţie. Ar fi (cum aş putea să spun?) un fapt. Pur şi simplu.”
“Ce anume este un fapt pur şi simplu, lipsit de orice determinare?” întrebase cu trufie academică Roberto, care de altfel despre subiectul în discuţie nu era prevenit, şi voia şi el să spună lucruri încrezute.
“Nu ştiu să definesc ceea ce este pur şi simplu”, răspunsese tînărul. “Pe de altă parte, domnule, cum aţi defini fiinţa? Ca s-o definiţi ar trebui să spuneţi că este ceva. Deci pentru a defini fiinţa trebuie să ziceţi şi este, şi astfel să folosiţi în definiţie termenul de definit. Eu cred că există termeni imposibil de definit, şi poate că vidul e unul dintre aceştia. Dar poate că greşesc.”
“Nu greşiţi. Vidul este ca timpul”, comentase unul dintre amicii libertini ai lui Roberto. “Timpul nu este numărul mişcării, pentru că mişcarea e aceea care depinde de timp, şi nu invers; este infinit, increat, continuu, nu e un accident în spaţiu… Timpul este, şi gata. Spaţiul este, şi atîta tot.”
Cineva protestase, zicînd că un lucru care este şi atîta tot, fără să aibe o esenţă definibilă, este ca şi cum n-ar fi. “Domnilor”, spusese atunci Canonicul de Digne, “e adevărat, spaţiul şi timpul nu sînt nici corp nici spirit, sînt imateriale, dacă voiţi, dar asta nu înseamnă că nu sînt reale. Nu sînt accidente şi nu sînt substanţă, şi totuşi au venit înainte de creaţie, înainte de orice substanţă şi de orice accident, şi vor exista şi după distrugerea oricărei substanţe. Sînt inalterabile şi invariabile, orişice lucru aţi pune înlăuntrul lor.”
“Dar”, obiectase Roberto, “spaţiul este totuşi întins, iar întinderea este proprietate a corpurilor…”
“Nu”, replicase prietenul cel libertin, “Faptul că toate corpurile sînt întinse nu înseamnă că tot ceea ce este întins este corp ― aşa cum ar voi nu ştiu care domn, care între altele nu s-ar deranja să-mi răspundă de ce pare că nu mai vrea să se întoarcă din Olanda. Întinderea este dispunerea a tot ce este. Spaţiul este întindere absolută, eternă, infinită, increată, neinscriptibilă, necircumscrisă şi imperisabilă. Ca şi timpul, e fără apunere, neîncetat şi imperisabil, e un fenix arab, un şarpe care-şi muşcă coada…”
“Domnule”, zisese Canonicul, “să nu punem însă spaţiul în locul lui Dumnezeu…”
“Domnule”, răspunsese libertinul, “nu puteţi să ne sugeraţi nişte idei pe care toţi le considerăm adevărate, şi apoi să pretindeţi să nu tragem din ele ultimele consecinţe. Bănuiesc că la punctul ăsta nu mai avem nevoie de Dumnezeu şi nici de infinitatea sa, deoarece avem deja destule infinituri în toate părţile, ce ne reduc la nişte umbre care durează o singură clipă fără întoarcere. Şi atunci propun să lăsăm deoparte orice teamă, şi să ne ducem cu toţii la birt.”
Canonicul, scuturînd din cap, îşi luase rămas bun. Şi la fel şi tînărul, care părea foarte tulburat de discuţiile acelea, cu ochii plecaţi se scuzase şi ceruse permisiunea să se întoarcă acasă.
“Bietul băiat”, zisese libertinul, “el construieşte maşini ca să numere infinitul, iar noi l-am înspăimîntat cu tăcerea eternă a prea multor infinituri. Voila, iată sfîrşitul unei frumoase vocaţii.”
“N-o să suporte lovitura”, zisese un altul dintre pirronieni, “o să caute să încheie pace cu lumea şi-o să sfîrşească printre iezuiţi!”

Pascal n-a sfarsit printre Iezuiti, ci printre Jansenisti, dar tot cam pe akolo e :) Cate secte, ordine si miscari religioase mai sunt, ca nu le mai dai de capat.


Masina care face calcule aritmetice, a fost proiectata de Pascal si se numeste Pascaline. De asemenea a facut experimente cu barometrul si a scris cateva tratate despre vidul din tubul cu mercur. O biografie luata de aici:

Blaise Pascal

Blaise Pascal

Blaise Pascal was the third of Étienne Pascal‘s children and his only son. Blaise’s mother died when he was only three years old. In 1632 the Pascal family, Étienne and his four children, left Clermont and settled in Paris. Blaise Pascal’s father had unorthodox educational views and decided to teach his son himself. Étienne Pascal decided that Blaise was not to study mathematics before the age of 15 and all mathematics texts were removed from their house. Blaise however, his curiosity raised by this, started to work on geometry himself at the age of 12. He discovered that the sum of the angles of a triangle are two right angles and, when his father found out, he relented and allowed Blaise a copy of Euclid.

At the age of 14 Blaise Pascal started to accompany his father to Mersenne‘s meetings. Mersenne belonged to the religious order of the Minims, and his cell in Paris was a frequent meeting place for Gassendi, Roberval, Carcavi, Auzout, Mydorge, Mylon, Desargues and others. Soon, certainly by the time he was 15, Blaise came to admire the work of Desargues. At the age of sixteen, Pascal presented a single piece of paper to one of Mersenne‘s meetings in June 1639. It contained a number of projective geometry theorems, including Pascal’s mystic hexagon.

In December 1639 the Pascal family left Paris to live in Rouen where Étienne had been appointed as a tax collector for Upper Normandy. Shortly after settling in Rouen, Blaise had his first work, Essay on Conic Sections published in February 1640.

Pascal invented the first digital calculator to help his father with his work collecting taxes. He worked on it for three years between 1642 and 1645. The device, called the Pascaline, resembled a mechanical calculator of the 1940s. This, almost certainly, makes Pascal the second person to invent a mechanical calculator for Schickard had manufactured one in 1624.

There were problems faced by Pascal in the design of the calculator which were due to the design of the French currency at that time. There were 20 sols in a livre and 12 deniers in a sol. The system remained in France until 1799 but in Britain a system with similar multiples lasted until 1971. Pascal had to solve much harder technical problems to work with this division of the livre into 240 than he would have had if the division had been 100. However production of the machines started in 1642 but, as Adamson writes in [3],

By 1652 fifty prototypes had been produced, but few machines were sold, and manufacture of Pascal’s arithmetical calculator ceased in that year.

Events of 1646 were very significant for the young Pascal. In that year his father injured his leg and had to recuperate in his house. He was looked after by two young brothers from a religious movement just outside Rouen. They had a profound effect on the young Pascal and he became deeply religious.

From about this time Pascal began a series of experiments on atmospheric pressure. By 1647 he had proved to his satisfaction that a vacuum existed. Descartes visited Pascal on 23 September. His visit only lasted two days and the two argued about the vacuum which Descartes did not believe in. Descartes wrote, rather cruelly, in a letter to Huygens after this visit that Pascal

…has too much vacuum in his head.

In August of 1648 Pascal observed that the pressure of the atmosphere decreases with height and deduced that a vacuum existed above the atmosphere. Descartes wrote to Carcavi in June 1647 about Pascal’s experiments saying:-

It was I who two years ago advised him to do it, for although I have not performed it myself, I did not doubt of its success …

In October 1647 Pascal wrote New Experiments Concerning Vacuums which led to disputes with a number of scientists who, like Descartes, did not believe in a vacuum.

Étienne Pascal died in September 1651 and following this Blaise wrote to one of his sisters giving a deeply Christian meaning to death in general and his father’s death in particular. His ideas here were to form the basis for his later philosophical work Pensées.

From May 1653 Pascal worked on mathematics and physics writing Treatise on the Equilibrium of Liquids (1653) in which he explains Pascal’s law of pressure. Adamson writes in [3]:-

This treatise is a complete outline of a system of hydrostatics, the first in the history of science, it embodies his most distinctive and important contribution to physical theory.

He worked on conic sections and produced important theorems in projective geometry. In The Generation of Conic Sections (mostly completed by March 1648 but worked on again in 1653 and 1654) Pascal considered conics generated by central projection of a circle. This was meant to be the first part of a treatise on conics which Pascal never completed. The work is now lost but Leibniz and Tschirnhaus made notes from it and it is through these notes that a fairly complete picture of the work is now possible.

Although Pascal was not the first to study the Pascal triangle, his work on the topic in Treatise on the Arithmetical Triangle was the most important on this topic and, through the work of Wallis, Pascal’s work on the binomial coefficients was to lead Newton to his discovery of the general binomial theorem for fractional and negative powers.

In correspondence with Fermat he laid the foundation for the theory of probability. This correspondence consisted of five letters and occurred in the summer of 1654. They considered the dice problem, already studied by Cardan, and the problem of points also considered by Cardan and, around the same time, Pacioli and Tartaglia. The dice problem asks how many times one must throw a pair of dice before one expects a double six while the problem of points asks how to divide the stakes if a game of dice is incomplete. They solved the problem of points for a two player game but did not develop powerful enough mathematical methods to solve it for three or more players.

Through the period of this correspondence Pascal was unwell. In one of the letters to Fermat written in July 1654 he writes

… though I am still bedridden, I must tell you that yesterday evening I was given your letter.

However, despite his health problems, he worked intensely on scientific and mathematical questions until October 1654. Sometime around then he nearly lost his life in an accident. The horses pulling his carriage bolted and the carriage was left hanging over a bridge above the river Seine. Although he was rescued without any physical injury, it does appear that he was much affected psychologically. Not long after he underwent another religious experience, on 23 November 1654, and he pledged his life to Christianity.

After this time Pascal made visits to the Jansenist monastery Port-Royal des Champs about 30 km south west of Paris. He began to publish anonymous works on religious topics, eighteen Provincial Letters being published during 1656 and early 1657. These were written in defence of his friend Antoine Arnauld, an opponent of the Jesuits and a defender of Jansenism, who was on trial before the faculty of theology in Paris for his controversial religious works. Pascal’s most famous work in philosophy is Pensées, a collection of personal thoughts on human suffering and faith in God which he began in late 1656 and continued to work on during 1657 and 1658. This work contains ‘Pascal’s wager’ which claims to prove that belief in God is rational with the following argument.

If God does not exist, one will lose nothing by believing in him, while if he does exist, one will lose everything by not believing.

With ‘Pascal’s wager’ he uses probabilistic and mathematical arguments but his main conclusion is that

…we are compelled to gamble…

His last work was on the cycloid, the curve traced by a point on the circumference of a rolling circle. In 1658 Pascal started to think about mathematical problems again as he lay awake at night unable to sleep for pain. He applied Cavalieri‘s calculus of indivisibles to the problem of the area of any segment of the cycloid and the centre of gravity of any segment. He also solved the problems of the volume and surface area of the solid of revolution formed by rotating the cycloid about the x-axis.

Pascal published a challenge offering two prizes for solutions to these problems to Wren, Laloubère, Leibniz, Huygens, Wallis, Fermat and several other mathematicians. Wallis and Laloubère entered the competition but Laloubère’s solution was wrong and Wallis was also not successful. Sluze, Ricci, Huygens, Wren and Fermat all communicated their discoveries to Pascal without entering the competition. Wren had been working on Pascal’s challenge and he in turn challenged Pascal, Fermat and Roberval to find the arc length, the length of the arch, of the cycloid.

Pascal published his own solutions to his challenge problems in the Letters to Carcavi. After that time on he took little interest in science and spent his last years giving to the poor and going from church to church in Paris attending one religious service after another.

Pascal died at the age of 39 in intense pain after a malignant growth in his stomach spread to the brain. He is described in [3] as:-

… a man of slight build with a loud voice and somewhat overbearing manner. … he lived most of his adult life in great pain. He had always been in delicate health, suffering even in his youth from migraine …

His character is described as:-

… precocious, stubbornly persevering, a perfectionist, pugnacious to the point of bullying ruthlessness yet seeking to be meek and humble …

In [1] the following assessment is given:-

At once a physicist, a mathematician, an eloquent publicist in the Provinciales … Pascal was embarrassed by the very abundance of his talents. It has been suggested that it was his too concrete turn of mind that prevented his discovering the infinitesimal calculus, and in some of the Provinciales the mysterious relations of human beings with God are treated as if they were a geometrical problem. But these considerations are far outweighed by the profit that he drew from the multiplicity of his gifts, his religious writings are rigorous because of his scientific training…

Article by: J J O’Connor and E F Robertson

Pe langa parintele Caspar si Saint Savin, un rol destul de important il joaca si Canonicul de Digne care este mentionat de mai multe ori. Am aflat si ce este un “canonic” (<-click it), akolo scrie ca e un cuvant grecesc, “κανωνικος relating to a rule’. Ce e interesant e ca avem cuvantul asta si in turceste ii zice “kanun” – si inseamna lege. Se plimba cuvintele astea dintr-o limba in alta de capul lor, de nu mai stii pe unde au aparut prima oara. Turci mai au si un sultan de-i zicea Kanuni, nu mai stiu cum ii zicea pe numele mic.

Pe canonic il gasim pe tot parcursul carti, si Roberto face deseori referire la el. Dupa cum am mai spus si in alta parte, canonicul de Digne e Pierre Gassendi (January 22, 1592 – October 24, 1655). Roberto il intalneste in casa gentilomului din Aix de Provence, unde petrece 2 ani. Intr-adevar Gassendi a trait o perioada cu prietenul lui Fabri de Peirsec, si chiar a scris o carte despre viata acestuia. Roberto il mentioneaza de asemenea la Paris — discutia cu tanarul de 19 ani, Blaise Pascal si libertinul. Ma astept ca Eco sa fi mentionat ani corect, si sa fi luat in considerare, in ce perioada un personaj istoric se afla intr-un anumit loc prin Europa. Din asta, se pot sustrage o gramada de chestii, referitor la ani, varste ..evenimente in acel moment etc. ..dar ar fi putin prea mult, deocamdata. Lasam investigatiile astea pe altadata.

Luand citatele din Insula din Ziua de Ieri despre Canonicul de Digne, ne putem face o impresie, ce fel de om era Pierre Gassendi, si care-i era filosofia. Sa vedem unde este mentionat Canonicul:

“La început Roberto nu zări altceva decît fîşii de soare, în care se vedeau agitîndu-se nenumăraţi corpusculi, şi cum îi văzu, nu putu să nu-şi amintească (şi ce se mai întinde el la vorbă punînd la bătaie amintiri docte ca s-o facă pe Doamna lui să se minuneze, în loc să se mărginească să povestească) cuvintele cu care Canonicul de Digne îl poftea să observe căderile de lumină ce se răspîndeau în bezna unei catedrale, însufleţindu-se înlăuntru-le de o mulţime de monade, de seminţe, de naturi indisolubile, de stropi de tămîie masculină ce se spărgeau spontan, atomi primordiali încleştaţi în lupte, în bătălii, în încăierări de escadroane, cu întîlniri şi despărţiri nenumărate ― dovadă evidentă a alcătuirii înseşi a universului ăstuia al nostru, care nu-i compus din altceva decît din corpuri prime ce furnică în gol.
Imediat după asta, aproape ca să-i confirme că toată creatura nu-i altceva decît opera acelui dans de atomi, avu impresia că se află într-o grădină şi îşi dădu seama că, de cum intrase acolo, fusese asaltat de o mulţime de miresme cu mult mai puternice decît acelea care mai înainte ajunseseră pînă la el dinspre ţărm.”

“Ceea ce vedea acum putea fi de-ajuns ca să-i justifice naufragiul: nu atît pentru plăcerea pe care plăsmuirea aceea mişcătoare a naturii i-o provoca, ci pentru lumina pe care o arunca asupra unor cuvinte auzite de la Canonicul de Digne.
Pînă atunci, într-adevăr, se întrebase adesea dacă nu visa cumva. Ceea ce i se întîmpla acum nu se întîmpla de obicei oamenilor sau îi putea aminti cel mult de romanele citite în copilărie: ca nişte creaturi de vis erau şi corabia şi vietăţile pe care le întîlnise pe ea. Din acelaşi aluat din care sînt făcute visele îi apăreau a fi şi umbrele care de trei zile îl învăluiau şi, judecat la rece, îşi dădea totuşi seama că pînă şi culorile pe care le admirase în încăperea cu verdeaţă şi în cea cu păsări păruseră atît de strălucitoare numai ochilor lui uimiţi, dar în realitate se arătau numai prin patina aceea de culori vechi ce acopereau fiece obiect de pe corabie, într-o lumină ce se prelingea uşor pe grinzi şi pe muchii de lemn, învechite, îmbibate de uleiuri, vopsele şi catranuri… N-ar fi putut oare, aşa stînd lucrurile, ca tot vis să fie şi spectacolul acesta de turme cereşti pe care el credea că-l vede acum la orizont?
Nu, îşi spuse Roberto, durerea pe care această lumină o dă ochilor mei îmi spune că nu visez, ci văd. Pupilele mele suferă de furtuna asta de atomi care, ca de pe un vas de luptă, mă bombardează de pe ţărmul acela, iar vedenia asta nu e altceva decît întîlnirea ochiului cu materia transformată în pulbere, care-l izbeşte. Sigur, îi spusese Canonicul, nu înseamnă că obiectele depărtate îţi trimit, cum credea Epicur, nişte simulacre perfecte ce le relevă atît forma exterioară cît şi natura ascunsă. Tu capeţi doar nişte mici semne, nişte indicii, ca să scoţi din ele prepusul pe care-l numim viziune. Dar faptul însuşi că el, cu puţin mai înainte, numise prin feluriţi tropi ceea ce credea că vede, creînd în formă de cuvinte ceea ce lucrul acela încă inform îi sugera, îi confirma că vede cu adevărat. Şi între multe certitudini cărora le deplîngem absenţa, una singură e prezentă, şi anume faptul că toate lucrurile ne apar aşa cum ne apar, şi nu-i posibil să nu fie foarte adevărat că ele ne apar întocmai aşa.”

“Roberto înţelesese acum că părintele Emanuele se purta în fond ca şi cum ar fi fost vreun discipol al lui Democrit şi Epicur: aduna la un loc atomi de idei şi-i combina în chipuri diverse ca să formeze din ei o mulţime de obiecte. Şi tot aşa cum Canonicul susţinea că o lume făcută din atomi nu contrazicea ideea unei dumnezeiri care îi aranja laolaltă conform raţiunii, la fel şi părintele Emanuele accepta din pulberea aceea de concepte numai compunerile cu adevărat iscusite. “

“La gazda lui din Aix trebuie să-l fi cunoscut pe maestrul acela, pe care-l citează permanent cu respect plin de devoţiune, numindu-l Canonicul de Digne, iar alteori doux pretre. Chiar cu scrisorile lui de recomandare înfruntase în sfîrşit Parisul, la o dată pe care nu o precizează.”

“Roberto mărturisise că el în ipoteza aceea cu vîrtejurile nu credea deloc, şi considera mai degrabă că lumile infinite erau efectul unei învîrtini de atomi în gol şi că asta nu excludea deloc să existe o divinitate providenţială care le poruncea acestor atomi şi-i orînduia după decretele sale, aşa cum îl învăţase Canonicul de Digne. “

“Roberto nu se putea gîndi la Canonicul de Digne, sau la domnul Gaffarel aşternîndu-se cîmpului în galop către închisoarea lui ― adică aceea a lui Ferrante, care pentru toţi era acum Roberto.”

-asta cu Canonicul, calare ca un fel de D’Artagnan ..e durere. Nu prea are fatza de erou din filme moshulica, adevarat. :)

“Dar există cu adevărat lumi infinite? Pentru o întrebare de felul ăsta la Paris se năştea un duel. Canonicul din Digne zicea că nu ştie. Sau, că studiul fizicii îl înclina să spună că da, pe urmele marelui Epicur. Lumea nu poate fi decît infinită. Atomi ce se aglomerează în gol. Că corpurile există, ne-o atestă senzaţia. Că golul există, ne-o atestă raţiunea. Cum şi unde ar putea altfel să se mişte atomii? De n-ar exista gol, n-ar exista mişcare, afară doar dacă corpurile n-ar pătrunde unele prin altele. Ar fi ridicol să crezi că atunci cînd o muscă împinge cu aripa o particulă de aer, aceasta mută o alta de dinaintea ei, şi aceasta o alta, astfel încît agitaţia picioruşului unui purece, tot mutînd şi mutînd, ar ajunge sa producă un cucui la celalalt capăt al lumii!
Pe de altă parte dacă vidul ar fi infinit, iar numărul atomilor finit, aceştia din urmă n-ar înceta să se mişte peste tot, nu s-ar ciocni niciodată unul de altul (aşa cum două persoane nu s-ar întîlni niciodată, decît printr-o întîmplare de negîndit, dacă s-ar tot învîrti printr-un deşert fără capăt), şi n-ar da naştere compuşilor lor. Iar dacă vidul ar fi finit, el n-ar avea loc să le conţină.
Fireşte, ar fi de ajuns să te gîndeşti la un gol finit locuit de atomi în număr finit. Canonicul îmi spunea că aceasta e opinia cea mai prudentă. De ce să voim ca Dumnezeu să fie obligat, ca un director de trupă, să producă infinite spectacole? El îşi manifestă libertatea lui, în chip veşnic, cu ajutorul creaţiei şi al susţinerii unei singure lumi. Nu există argumente împotriva pluralităţii lumilor, dar nu sînt nici altele, în defavoarea ei. Dumnezeu, care există înainte de lume, a creat un număr suficient de atomi, într-un spaţiu suficient de larg, ca să-şi compună propria-i capodoperă. Din infinita sa perfecţiune face parte şi Geniul Limitei.”

“”Domnilor”, spusese atunci Canonicul de Digne, “e adevărat, spaţiul şi timpul nu sînt nici corp nici spirit, sînt imateriale, dacă voiţi, dar asta nu înseamnă că nu sînt reale. Nu sînt accidente şi nu sînt substanţă, şi totuşi au venit înainte de creaţie, înainte de orice substanţă şi de orice accident, şi vor exista şi după distrugerea oricărei substanţe. Sînt inalterabile şi invariabile, orişice lucru aţi pune înlăuntrul lor.”

“Dar”, obiectase Roberto, “spaţiul este totuşi întins, iar întinderea este proprietate a corpurilor…”
“Nu”, replicase prietenul cel libertin, “Faptul că toate corpurile sînt întinse nu înseamnă că tot ceea ce este întins este corp ― aşa cum ar voi nu ştiu care domn, care între altele nu s-ar deranja să-mi răspundă de ce pare că nu mai vrea să se întoarcă din Olanda. Întinderea este dispunerea a tot ce este. Spaţiul este întindere absolută, eternă, infinită, increată, neinscriptibilă, necircumscrisă şi imperisabilă. Ca şi timpul, e fără apunere, neîncetat şi imperisabil, e un fenix arab, un şarpe care-şi muşcă coada…”
“Domnule”, zisese Canonicul, “să nu punem însă spaţiul în locul lui Dumnezeu…””

“Trăiesc şi gîndesc oare lucrurile? Canonicul îi spusese într-o zi că, pentru a îndreptăţi viaţa şi dezvoltarea ei, trebuie ca în orice lucru să se găsească nişte flori ale materiei, acele sporă, nişte sîmburi. Moleculele sînt alcătuiri anume de atomi într-o figură anume, iar dacă Dumnezeu a impus legi haosului atomilor, alcătuirile lor nu pot face alta decît să dea naştere unor compuse analoage. Posibil ca pietrele pe care le cunoaştem să fie tot acelea ce au supravieţuit Potopului, şi că nici ele să nu fi avut devenire, iar din ele să nu se fi născut altele?”

Canonicul spunea că atomul este şi el compus din părţi, numai că e atît de compact încît nu-l mai putem divide dincolo de limita lui. Noi nu. Dar alţii?”

-oare ce mai fac aia de la CERN? -maine au nu stiu ce experiment.

Canonicul îmi spunea că şi pietrele sînt corpuri care în anumite ocazii ard şi devin altceva. Într-adevăr, o piatră cade într-un vulcan, iar de căldura intensă a acelei unsori de foc, pe care anticii o numeau Magmă, se topeşte la un loc cu alte pietre, devine o singură masă incandescentă, curge, şi după puţin (sau mult) timp se pomeneşte parte dintr-o piatră mai mare.”

“Cine ştie dacă pietrele gîndesc cum zice Aristotel sau cum zice Canonicul.”

Gassendi e un personaj destul de interesant, am sa citesc mai multe despre el pe viitor. Sunt intrebari din acea perioada, sau mai vechi, la care inca nu avem raspunsul, cu toata stiinta noastra de azi – la unele insa avem raspunsul, si ar fi pacat sa nu le aflam akum, ca le avewm, gandindu-ne ca daca am fi trait cu cateva sute de ani in urma ne-am fi vandut sufletul pentru a le sti. Si akuma sa prezentam cazierul Canonicului, cu multumiri celor de la “The Galileo Project”.

Pierre Gassendi

Pierre Gassendi

Pierre Gassendi

1. Dates
Born: Champtercier (southeastern France), 22 January 1592
Died: Paris, 24 October 1655
Dateinfo: Dates Certain
Lifespan: 63
2. Father
Occupation: Peasant/Small Farmer
Gassendi was the son of Antoine Gassend and Francoise Fabry. His father was, by one account, a farmer on his own land, and by another (which is not necessarily inconsistent) a peasant.
No information on financial status.
3. Nationality
Birth: French
Career: French
Death: French
4. Education
Schooling: Aix; Avignon, D.D.
His uncle, Thomas Fabry the village priest was in charge of the early education of Gassendi. He then attended school at Digne from 1599 to 1606 (except for one year at Ruez). After a two year stay at home he returned to his formal schooling at the University at Aix. He studied philosophy under P. Philibert Fesaye and two years later studied theology under Professor Raphaelis. He returned to Digne in 1612 to become Principal of the College of Digne. He held this position for two years after which he received his doctorate in theology at Avignon. I assume a B.A. or its equivalent.
5. Religion
Affiliation: Catholic
In 1612 he took four minor orders of the Church. He was appointed canon at the Church in Digne in 1614. Two years later he celebrated his first mass.
6. Scientific Disciplines
Primary: Primary: Asn, Natural Philosophy
Subordinate: Physics
From as early as 1625 until his death Gassendi occupied himself with rehabilitation of the philosophy of Epicurus. He began his research as part of a plan to dislodge Aristoteleanism as the source of authority and to replace it with Epicurean philosophy. In 1649 he published his Animadversiones containing a portion of his work on Epicurus. His years of research would appear again in 1653 as a revision of the earlier work and again in his Opera omnia. Gassendi was careful not to make Epicurean philosophy fall into the same trap as Aristotelian philosophy. He maintained a healthy skepticism that cautioned against equating information of the world with certain and complete knowledge of the true nature of things.
His first work, which made him well-known in scientific circles, Exercitationes paradoxicae (1624) was based on his lectures at Aix and aimed against the scholastics.
In addition to his Epicurean research, Gassendi wrote about the elements of astronomy and his own observations, falling bodies, and Descartes’ Meditations.
7. Means of Support
Primary: Church Life, Patronage
Secondary: Schoolmastering, Academia
From 1612-1614 he was the Principal at the College of Digne. He was also appointed canon of the church in Digne. He held the canonry until 1634 when he became Dean of the chapter. This was an important benefice, which he held for the rest of his life; it insured Gassendi against need. Gassendi was ordained a priest in 1616 or 17.
In 1617 he won the chairs of theology and philosophy at Aix. He accepted the chair of philosophy but ceded the chair of theology to his former professor, Fesaye. Despite his dissatisfaction with Aristotelian doctrines he gave his students a thorough exposition of the scholastic teachings. He held this position for six years.
When the Jesuits took over Aix, forcing him out, Gassendi returned to Digne where he attended to his ecclesiastical duties. In 1623-4 he was in Grenoble on a mission for the Digne chapter.
In 1624-5 he went to Paris on another excursion for the chapter. He returned to Digne. He spent some of his time in Aix (as for example the winter of 1627-8) with Peiresc.
In 1628 he made a trip to the Netherlands with Francois Luillier, and then stayed on in Paris until 1632, living for the most part with Luillier.
He returned to Digne in 1632, where he continued to have duties. During the following years he was frequently in Aix with Peiresc until Peiresc died in 1637. Gassendi stayed in Provence until the mission to Paris in 1641.
He travelled to Paris in 1641 to attend to ecclesiastical duties stemming from his nomination to the Agence du Clerge in 1639. I gather that he stayed on in Paris.
After several years of research and writing, he returned to an academic post at the College Royale. Cardinal Alphonse Richelieu was influencial in the appointment of Gassendi to the professorship in mathematics in 1645. He did not hold this position long; ill health forced him to leave Paris in 1648 for Digne and Provence.
He returned to Paris in 1653 to stay with Montmor until Gassendi’s death.
8. Patronage
Types: Aristrocrat, Scientist, Government Official, Eccesiastic Official
From 1628 until his death, Francois Luillier, maitre des comptes, was a friend and patron to Gassendi. Rochot calls his a wealthy financier; Joy calls him a wealthy lawyer. With that title, I’ll settle for governmental official. He had purchased the position. In 1628 Gassendi travelled to the Netherlands with Luillier, stayed with him in Paris after they returned, and later lived with him in 1641 when he was in Paris on ecclesiastical business. Gassendi dedicated De vita et moribus Epicuri to him.
Gassendi met Mersenne during his first stay in Paris. Mersenne set him on the task of writing against Fludd, and to Mersenne he dedicated the work.
Peiresc was a constant source of support to Gassendi. Gassendi lived in the home of Peiresc for the last year of the latter’s life. Gassendi was so distraught after Peiresc’s death that he stopped writing for about four years. I find it of great interest that Peiresc and Luillier (and later Valois and Luillier) did not appear to think of themselves as being in competition; they even corresponded about their mutual client.
One year after Peiresc’s death Gassendi met Louis Emmanuel de Valois, Governor of Provence, who showed interest in his work. Gassendi accompanied him on an official tour in 1640. The year previous Valois supported Gassendi’s nomination to the Agence du Clerge. Rochot discusses their relation (pp. 84-6). Valois was a man of no particular learning himself who nevertheless, from the moment he arrived in Provence, saw the support of Gassendi as a vital office. As usual, no one gives any real insight into his motives. Nevertheless, Valois and Gassendi corresponded with great frequency. There are 350 letters from Valois, and there would be more had the two not often been living in the same city. They remained in touch until Valois’ death. Valois made possible the experiment of dropping an object from the mast of a galley and was present at the experiment.
Gassendi dedicated his Institutio astronomica to Cardinal Richelieu in appreciation for his position at the College Royale obtained by Richelieu’s influence.
On his last trip to Paris Gassendi took up residence in the home of Montmor where he (Gassendi) died in 1655.
9. Technological Involvement
Type: Cartography
Gassendi corrected the geographical coordinates of the Mediterranean Sea.
10. Scientific Societies
Memberships: None
He was introduced into the circle of the brothers DuPuy who met at the library of President du Thou. Undoubtedly he was among the corresponding members of Mersenne’s group. Towards the end of his life he belonged to the Montmor academy. Among his many friends or correspondents were Beeckman, Galileo, Snel, Mydorge, Patin, Bouchard, Naudé, Sorbière, du Perier of Aix, Diodati, and Gautier.

  1. Howard Jones, Pierre Gassendi, 1592-1655: An Intellectual Biography, (1981). B1886. J66 1981 Lillian U. Pancheri, “Pierre Gassendi, a forgotten but important man in history of physics,” American Journal of Physics, 46, 5, (May 1978), 455-464.
  2. Bernard Rochot, Les travaux de Gassendi sur Epicure et sur l’atomisme, 1619-1658, (Paris, 1944).
  3. Dictionnaire de biographie francaise 15, 617-19.
  4. Lynn Joy, Gassendi the Atomist, (Cambridge, 1987).
  5. Centre international de synthèse, Pierre Gassendi, sa vie et son oeuvre, (Paris, 1955).
Not Available and Not Consulted

  1. Armand Beaulieu, “L’énigmatique Gassendi: Prévôt et savant,” La vie des sciences, 9 (1992), 205-9.

Compiled by:
Richard S. Westfall
Department of History and Philosophy of Science
Indiana University

Note: the creators of the Galileo Project and this catalogue cannot answer email on geneological questions.

“Roberto lasă să se întrevadă destul de puţine în ceea ce priveşte anii care au trecut între întoarcerea lui la Griva şi intrarea lui în societatea pariziană. Din menţiuni făcute ici-colo, se deduce că a rămas pe lîngă maică-sa, cam pînă ce a împlinit douăzeci de ani, înţelegîndu-se de bine de rău cu cei ce aveau grijă de semănături şi de recolte. Îndată ce maică-sa şi-a urmat soţul în mormînt, Roberto se descoperi deodată străin de lumea aceea. Pesemne că atunci şi-a încredinţat feuda vreunei rubedenii asigurîndu-şi o rentă solidă şi a pornit să cutreiere lumea.
Rămăsese în corespondenţă cu cîţiva cunoscuţi de la Casale, rămînînd astfel şi solicitat să-şi lărgească prin ei, cunoştinţele. Nu ştiu cum ajunsese la Aix-en-Provence, dar cu siguranţă că a fost acolo, fiindcă pomeneşte cu recunoştinţă de cei doi ani petrecuţi la un gentilom de acolo, dedat cu orice ştiinţă, cu o bibliotecă bogată nu numai în cărţi, ci şi în obiecte de artă, monumente vechi şi animale împăiate. La gazda lui din Aix trebuie să-l fi cunoscut pe maestrul acela, pe care-l citează permanent cu respect plin de devoţiune, numindu-l Canonicul de Digne, iar alteori doux pretre. Chiar cu scrisorile lui de recomandare înfruntase în sfîrşit Parisul, la o dată pe care nu o precizează.”

Sunt cam suparat pe mosh Eco azi. Ma pune sa copii toata wikipedia aici, si daca am copiat wikipedia, atunci ce fel de site o sa mai fie si asta? Clona de enciclopedie online. Ar fi fost interesant daca as fi gasit informatii in romaneste, macar sa fur de la ai nostri, nu de la straini, ca si asha se plang saraci ca am tabarat pe ei. :) Gentilomul din Aix en Provence e Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (December 1, 1580 – June 24, 1637), iar Canonicul de Digne e (sau mai bine zis: “se poate sa fie”, “probabil ca este”, “este inspirat de” etc) Pierre Gassendi (January 22, 1592 – October 24, 1655). Cine au fost distinsele lor domnii? Pai cititi akolo ca scrie :), ca nici eu nu-i conosc, abia am facut cunostinta cu ei. In alta parte am gasit o biografie ca la armata si pe aia am sa o bag aici, ca sa fie ca la politie :)) (unde dai si unde crapa) :

Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (December 1, 1580 – June 24, 1637)

Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (December 1, 1580 – June 24, 1637)

Peiresc, Nicolas Claude Fabri de

1. Dates
Born: Belgentier, Var, 1 December, 1580
Died: Aix-en-Provence, 24 June 1637
Dateinfo: Dates Certain
Lifespan: 57
2. Father
Occupation: Aristocrat, Government Official
His father was Raynaud de Fabri, sieur of Callas and conseiller in the Parlement of Provence. Peiresc’s family descended from a line of high magistrates who had formed alliances with the great families in the kingdom.
Everything about his life indicates that he grew up, at the least, in affluent surroundings. I suspect that wealthy might be more accurate.
3. Nationality
Birth: French
Career: French
Death: French
4. Education
Schooling: Padua; Montpelier, LD
He began his education in Aix and Avignon and continued it at the Jesuit college at Tournon. At Tournon he made his first contact with astronomy. In 1599 he travelled to Padua where he met Pinelli and Galileo. During the following year he travelled in Italy, Switzerland, and France visiting galleries, libraries, and meeting learned men. He finally settled down to serious legal studies at Montpellier under the teaching of Julius Pacius. He completed his degree in 1604.
5. Religion
Affiliation: Catholic
He was granted an abbacy by Louis XIII at Guitres. In 1624, after he took the tonsure, his position as abbé was regularized.
6. Scientific Disciplines
Primary: Astronomy, Scientific Communication
Subordinate: Botany, Natural History, Paleontology
Pinelli and Pacius inspired in Peiresc a curiosity about the natural world. In 1610 his patron, du Vair, acquired a telescope with which Peiresc and Joseph Gaultier were the first in France to see the satellites of Jupiter and the Orion nebula described by Huygens in 1658. Peiresc spent most of his time recording the times of planetary events (1610-12). Among his assistants Jean Lombard travelled widely recording the positions of the satellites of Jupiter. Peiresc used these observations to calculate terrestrial longitudes.
Peiresc, with Lombard and Gaultier, saw to it that the lunar eclipse of 28 August 1635 was more widely observed than any previous one by supplying instruments and the know-how to priests, merchants, and secretaries at various embassies. With these observations he was able to correct the considerably over-estimated length of the Mediterranean.
Peiresc was a patron and amateur of the sciences, art, and erudition. During the seven years he was in Paris he sponsored or assisted in the publication of important books. He surrounded himself with able and devoted assistants who carried out many experiments and voyages while Peiresc carried on his correspodence and observation at the Hotel Callas. Gassendi, who lived in Peiresc’s home from 1634-7, carried out several observations for and with Peiresc.
Peiresc collected and studied fossils and recognized the importance of ancient coins for establishing historical sequence.
Peiresc sponsored the dissection of cadavers in his house by local surgeons who found the chyliferous vessels in the human body. His speculations on vision led him to conduct several dissections of various animals with local surgeons and his own assistants.
Peiresc took great pleasure in collecting animals and plants. His garden at Belgentier was the the third largest in France.
7. Means of Support
Primary: Personal Means, Government, Church Life
After receiving his degree in law, Peiresc returned to Aix to take over his uncle’s position as conseiller in the Parlement of Provence. In 1605 he travelled to Paris as secretary to Guillaume du Vair, president of the Parlement of Provence. The following year he accompanied Le Fevre de la Boderie to England where he met L’Obel, William Camden, Henry Savile, and other amateurs of the arts and sciences. From 1607-15 he carried out his magisterial duties in Aix. He returned to Paris with du Vair and remained there for the next seven years before returning to Provence as a senateur of the sovereign court.
8. Patronage
Types: Government Official, Court Official, Aristrocrat
He was secretary to Guillaume du Vair, president of Parlement of Provence. He was granted the abbacy of a monastery at Guitres by Louis XIII. He accompanied Le Fevre de la Boderie, a French ambassador to England. Upon his return to Provence, he became senateur of the sovereign court.
9. Technological Involvement
Type: Cartography
10. Scientific Societies
Memberships: None
In 1616 on his second trip to Paris he was introduced to the “cabinet” of the Dupuy brothers through whom he met many learned men. Like Mersenne, Peiresc developed a large network of correspondents. He contacted people in Paris, Rome, Naples, Padua, Cairo, Aleppo, and Quebec. Sometimes his contact was to urge amateurs to make astronomical observations and other times it was to share information from Paris or Provence, or to pass on results from the investigations of others.

  1. G. Cahen-Salvador, Un grand humaniste: Peiresc 1580-1637, (Paris, 1951). DC36.98 .P3C2 Pierre Humbert, Un amateur Peiresc, (Paris, 1933). DC36.98 .P3H9 ________,”Les astronomes françaises de 1610 à 1667,” Bulletin de la Société d’études scientifiques et archéologiques de Draguignan et du Var, 42 (1942), pp. 5-72.
  2. Jonathan L. Pearl, “Peiresc and the Search for the Criteria of Scientific Knowledge in the Early 17th Century,” Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Western Society for French History, 6 (1978), 110-19.
  3. ________, “The Role of Personal Correspondence in the Exchange of Scientific Information in Early Modern France,” Renaissance et Reforme, 20 (1984), 106-13.
Not Available and Not Consulted

  1. Agnès Bresson, Lettres [de Peiresc] à Claude Saumaise et à son entourage (1620-1637) (Le corrispondenze letterarie, scientifiche ed erudite dal Rinascimento all’età moderna, 3), (Firenze, 1992). Lisa Sarasohn, “Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc and the Patronage of the New Science in the 17th Century,” Isis, 84 (1993), 70-90.

Compiled by:
Richard S. Westfall
Department of History and Philosophy of Science
Indiana University

Note: the creators of the Galileo Project and this catalogue cannot answer email on geneological questions.


Sa nu care cumva sa-i contactati pe baieti care au aranjat biografia de mai sus si sa ziceti ca aveti un strabunic care seamana cu Persic asta. :) Daca apasati pe poza lui, dati peste o pagina despre el destul de interesanta.

Pe canonic il fac in alta postare. Mai intai tre sa aflu ce inseamna “canonic” :)

“Ajunge atît, domnule de Saint-Savin”, îi spunea aproape poruncindu-i un ofiţer, luîndu-l de braţ. Nu-l provocaţi pe acest prieten mai tînăr al nostru, care încă nu ştie că la Paris în zilele noastre necredinţa e forma cea mai distinsă a bon-ton-ului, şi ar putea să vă ia prea în serios. Duceţi-vă şi dumneavoastră să vă culcaţi, domnule de la Grive. Cum spunea un teolog, puternic e un rege, căci distruge totul, mai puternică-i femeia, căci totul obţine, dar şi mai puternic este vinul ce ne îneacă minţile”.

“Citaţi numai pe jumătate, domnule”, bolborosise Saint-Savin în timp ce doi dintre companionii săi îl tîrau afară aproape pe sus, “fraza următoare este atribuită Limbii, care ar fi adăugat: şi mai puternic este însă adevărul şi eu care-l spun.”

Am cautat cate ceva despre acest citat, si cine ar putea fi teologul, dar din nou am gasit o gramada de informatii, si cum azi ma doare capu si am de facut si un gratar, I’ll keep it short, si voi citi mai multe, si aprofunda atunci cand voi simti nevoia.

“Now King Darius made a great feast unto all his subjects and unto all that were born in his house, and unto all the princes of Medea and of Persia.

“Then the three young men of the body-guard that kept the King’s person, spake one to another : let every one of us say one thing which shall be strongest; and he whose sentences shall seem wiser than the others, unto him shall Darius the King give great gifts and great honors in token of victory. The first wrote, Wine is the strongest. The second wrote, The King is the strongest. The third wrote, Woman is the strongest : but, above all things, Truth beareth away the victory.

Then began the first, who had spoken of the strength of wine, and said thus: O sirs, how exceeding strong is wine. It causeth all men to err that drink it: it maketh the mind of the king and of the fatherless child to be all one ; of the bondman and of the freeman, of the poor man and of the rich; it turneth also every thought into jollity and mirth, so that a man remembereth neither sorrow nor debt : and it makes every heart rich, so that a man remembereth neither king nor satrap ; and when they are in their cups, they forget their love both to friends and brethren, and a little after draw their swords : but when they awake from their wine they remember not what they have done. 0 sirs, is not wine the strongest, seeing that it enforceth to do thus. And when he had so spoken, he held his peace.

Then the second, that had spoken of the strength of the King, began to say : O sirs, do not men excel in strength, that bear rule over the sea and land and all things in them? But yet is the King stronger : and he is their lord and hath dominion over them ; and in whatsoever he commandeth them they obey him. If he bid them make war one against the other, they do it: and if he send them out against the enemies, they go, and overcome mountains, walls and towers. They slay and are slain, and transgress not the King’s commandment. If they get the victory they bring all to the King, as well the spoil as all things else. Likewise for those that are no soldiers and have not to do with wars, but use husbandry, when they have reaped again that which they had sown, they bring it to the King, and compel one another to pay tribute unto the king. And he is but one man. If he command to kill, they kill; if he command to spare they spare ; if he command to smite, they smite ; if he command to make desolate, they make desolate ; if he command to build, they build ; if he command to cut down, they cut down ; if he command to plant, they plant. So all his people and all his armies obey him : furthermore, he lieth down, he eateth and drinketh, and taketh his rest; and these keep watch round about him, neither may any one depart, and do his own business, neither disobey they him in anything. O, sirs, how should not the king be strongest, seeing that in such sort he is obeyed? And he held his peace.

Then the third, who had spoken of women, and of truth (this was Zorobabel) began to speak: O, sirs, is not the king great, and men are many, and wine is strong; who is it then that ruleth them or hath the lordship over them? Are they not women? Women have borne the king and all the people that bear rule by sea and land. Even of them came they : and they nourished them up that planted the vineyards from whence the wine cometh. These also make garments for men; these bring glory unto men ; and without women, cannot men be. Yea, and if men have gathered together gold and silver and every goodly thing, and see a woman which is comely in favor and beauty, they let all those things go, and gape after her, and even with open mouth fix their eyes fast on her; and have all more desire unto her than unto gold or silver or any goodly thing whatsoever. A man leaveth his own father that brought him up, and his own country, and cleaveth unto his wife. And with his wife he endeth his days, and remembereth neither father, nor mother, nor country. By this also ye must know that women have dominion over you. Do ye not labor and toil and bring all to women? Yea, a man taketh his sword, and goeth forth to make outroads, and to rob and to steal, and to sail upon the sea and upon rivers ; and looketh upon a lion; and walketh in the darkness Yea, many there be that have run out of their wits for women, and become bondmen for their sakes. Many also have perished, have stumbled, and sinned, for women. O sirs, how can it be but women should be strong, seeing they do thus? Then the king and the nobles looked one upon another: so he began to speak concerning truth. O sirs, are not women strong? Great is the earth, high is the ‘heaven, swift is the sun in its course for he compasseth the heavens round about and fetcheth his course again to his own place in one day. Is he not great that maketh these things? Therefore great is truth and stronger than all things. All the earth calleth upon truth, and the heaven blesseth her: all works shake and tremble, but with her is no unrighteous thing; wine is unrighteous, the king is unrighteous, women are unrighteous, all the children of men are unrighteous, and unrighteous are all such their works; and there is no truth in them; in their unrighteousness also shall they ‘perish. But truth abideth, and is strong forever; she liveth and conquereth for evermore. With her there is no accepting of persons or rewards; but she doeth the things that are just and refraineth from all unrighteous and wicked things; and all men do well like of her works. Neither in her judgment is any unrighteousness; and she is the strength, and the kingdom, and the power, and the majesty of all ages. Blessed be the God of truth. And with that he held his tongue. And all the people then shouted and said, Great is truth, and strong above all things.” I Esdras 3 – 4

Cine e teologul?  S-ar putea sa fie vorba de Origene sau Thomas Brooks, sau Dumnezeu cine stie, dar o lasam pe alta data ca apocrifele astea ma ametesc si mai tare :)

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